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Nigeria’s Defining Moment: 2007 Presidential Elections
Nigerians go to the polls on 21 April, to elect both a new president
and national assembly, in an election which is widely perceived
as the most significant test for democracy in Africa’s most
populous state and also its leading oil exporter. The elections
would mark the first time, in the turbulent history of West Africa’s
pivotal state, where one incumbent elected will be democratically
succeeded by another through the power of the ballot box. Indeed,
it is arguably the most crucial democratic vote to date as it tests
Nigeria’s resolve to consolidate democracy in this enormous
ethnically and religiously divided state.
For far too long, the language that has defined this country’s
political landscape for the past four decades was played out in
terms of ethnoregional domination. This was manifested on two interlinking
levels. The first was through control of economic power and resources,
particularly oil; and the second through control of political power
and its instruments, predominantly the judiciary and the armed forces.
Since independence, military despotic rulers from the predominantly
Muslim north ruled Nigeria with an iron fist. The country’s
oil-reliant economy, in which both rents and royalties were paid
into state coffers, has only contributed to the public mismanagement
of state resources while, at the same time, enriching and entrenching
the Nigerian political elites’ grip on power. This has also
perpetuated the identity consciousness of the country’s 250
tribes that had led to deepening hostility and distrust between
the north and the south, in recent years.
Hopes of reconciliation and nation building marked the inauguration
of Nigeria’s first democratically elected leader, President
Olusegun Obasanjo, in 1999. There were great expectations at the
time that a newly elected civilian administration, led by a Christian
from the south, would help both to reunify and reunite, while ushering
in a new era of good governance, economic reform and democracy,
following on from 16 years of consecutive dictatorial military rule.
From the start, President Obasanjo had his work cut out for him.
He faced the daunting task of rebuilding a crumbling economy, dysfunctional
bureaucracy, fragile democratic institutions, and a collapsing infrastructure.
This was further compounded by the long-standing unrest in Nigeria’s
oil producing, yet still impoverished, Niger Delta region in the
east of the country.
He promptly embarked on a bold economic reform and stabilization
program supported by an International Monetary Fund (IMF) stand-by
agreement and a $1 billion credit and debt-restructuring deal from
the Paris Club (PC). The administration showed remarkable political
will in implementing market-oriented reforms that included the curbing
of inflation, along with the blockage of excessive wage demands,
privatization of the state-owned oil refineries, and the modernization
of the banking system.
Ambitious macroeconomic reforms won Nigeria many plaudits from both
the IMF and the PC. In November 2005, the government received a
debt-relief deal package worth $30 billion from the PC. Despite
these strides to put the economy on a more stable footing, Nigeria’s
140 million people have yet to experience the benefits of economic
liberalization. With more than 60 percent of the population living
on less than $1 a day and GDP per capita income of $675, Nigeria
continues to be one of the world’s poorest states. Deep-seated
corruption in states institutions continues to be blamed for the
apparent lack of growth in income levels among Nigerians.
On the political front, President Obasanjo’s attempts in bridging
the ethnic and religious divides between the country’s confrontational
groups have been but a dismal disappointment. The introduction of
Sharia law, in 2000, in northern states has only served to fuel
tensions between rival Muslim and Christian groups, while also contributing
to the surge of violence and the deaths of thousands on both sides.
Meanwhile, in the tumultuous Niger Delta region, insurgency has
spread and the conflict has reached unprecedented proportions. Youth
militias have emerged throughout the zone, over the past seven years,
calling for increased control over oil revenues, greater political
autonomy from the central government in Abuja, and a halt of environmental
degradation of the region by foreign oil companies. In the past
year, more than 60 foreign oil workers have been kidnapped, mostly
at oil installations. The vandalism of oil pipelines by militias
groups has resulted in the loss of $4 billion over the past year.
Nevertheless, these pressing problems have not dampened the election
euphoria among Nigerian voters as they prepare to declare their
overwhelming support for civilian democratic rule. Although there
are more than 50 political parties vying for power in April’s
elections, there are only three serious contenders for the nation’s
top political office. These include: the incumbent of the ruling
People’s Democratic party (PDP), the current governor of Katsina
State and former polytechnic teacher, Umaru Musa, and the two main
opposition parties, former military ruler Muhammadu Bujari of the
All Nigerian Peoples Party (ANPP), and Vice-President Atiku Abubakar
of the Action Congress (AC).
Although analysts warn of potential violence in the days and weeks
leading up to the elections and in the week following the announcement
of election results, as with past elections, the true measure for
success of the April polls rests on three critical factors. These
include: the impartiality of the electoral body, the Independent
Nigerian Electoral Commission (IEC); attempts by the ruling party
to influence the choice of an elected successor; and the willingness
of the elite to allow democratic institutions and the electoral
process, that serves the will of all Nigerians.
By all accounts, the 2007 presidential elections are arguably the
most important test of the country’s fragile democratic structures
and institutions, and perhaps even its nationhood. As West Africa’s
heavyweight and a leading global exporter of oil, the outcome of
the April elections weighs heavily on the minds of regional leaders
and global energy experts. A peaceful transition of power, to a
democratically elected regime, stratifies the rule of law and also
democracy’s hold in the region while, at the same time, securing
global energy requirements. For the average Nigerian on the street,
however, the most important election issue is whether the country’s
democratic process will ultimately lead to economic prosperity for
all, regardless of political, ethnic or religious affiliations.
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Hany Besada is a Senior Researcher working on fragile
states at the Centre for International Governance Innovation (CIGI)
in Waterloo, Canada.
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